Two Decades of Genocide in Iraq

January 20, 2010

The Anglo-American war against Iraq, which began on January 17, 1991, is now entering its 20th year.  The British have been trying to occupy Iraq for more than one hundred years.

In the same newsletter, I also recommend reading the comments of Abdul Ilah Albayaty:

 

Instead of ending the occupation, handing Iraq to its people and punishing those responsible for this tragedy, instead of listening to the Iraqi people’s rights and demands, the Obama administration adopted the same strategy as Bush: trying to create a client state in Iraq by depending on the same corrupted backward forces that supported the occupation against the Iraqi people. The only difference is that it tries to change the faces of its puppet government. The plunder, the corruption, the repression and the attempts to divide Iraq continue as before. Following one year of the Obama administration no change has taken place, despite the declarations and promises.

 

Why have the wars in the Middle East continued and increased under President Obama?  One year ago, Obama appointed Richard Holbrooke, Henry Kissinger's right-hand man and partner-in-crime, to run the "War on Terror" as his envoy in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  The killing of innocent civilians has increased greatly under Holbrooke.  Kissinger is a key player in the Zionist shadow government behind the Obama administration.  Note the expression on Obama's face.

 

Kissinger and Holbrooke gave "The Kissinger Prize" to George H.W. Bush at the American Academy in Berlin, which they run together.  The elder Bush started the war in Iraq in 1991 and was the first president to use the expression "New World Order."

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A message from Denis Halliday
From the Brussels Tribunal Newsletter
January 10, 2010

Accepting the Gandhi International Peace Award in 2003, I explained my resignation from the United Nations as head of the UN Humanitarian Programme in Iraq at end 1998. I indicated that resignation was necessary because of my refusal to accept Security Council orders that continued to impose genocidal sanctions on the innocent of Iraq. My continuation would have implied my complicity in human catastrophe. And, in addition, my innate sense of justice was outraged — as yours would have been in my position — by the violence that UN sanctions had brought upon the lives and wellbeing of children, families, and the many loved ones of Iraq. There can be no justification for killing the young, the aged, the sick, the rich, the poor anywhere, under any circumstances, least of all by the United Nations.

Some will tell you that the Iraqi leadership was punishing the Iraqi people. That was not my perception or experience when living in Baghdad in 1997-98 and traveling throughout the country. And were that to be the case, how could that possibly justify collective punishment — that is sanctions, by the United Nations? The UN Charter and international law have no provision for the murderous consequences of a UN embargo, over 12 long years in the case of the people of Iraq.

After leaving, sometimes I explained the impact of sanctions to the media, and to university and public meetings by describing Iraqi children as being on death row without hope of reprieve. By the end of 1998, we — the UN — had killed hundreds of thousands without any apparent hesitation on the part of the permanent member states of the Security Council.